A Brief History of the Selfie

A Brief History of the Selfie Selfie is the slang term for self portrait, a photograph you take of yourself, usually taken using a mirror or with a camera held at arms length. The act of taking and sharing selfies has become widely popular due to digital cameras, the internet, the ubiquity of social media platforms like Facebook and, of course, because of peoples endless fascination with their own image. The word selfie was even chosen as the Word of the Year in 2013 by the Oxford English Dictionary, which has the following entry for the word: a photograph that one has taken of oneself, typically with a smartphone or webcam and uploaded to a social media website. History of the Self Portrait So who took the first selfie? In discussing the invention of the first selfie, we have to first pay homage to the film camera and the early history of photography as photography self portraits were taking place long before the invention of Facebook and smartphones. One example is American photographer Robert Cornelius, who took a self portrait daguerreotype (first practical process of photography) of himself in 1839. The image is also considered one of the earliest photographs of a person. In 1914, 13-year-old Russian Grand Duchess Anastasia Nikolaevna took a self portrait using a Kodak Brownie box camera (invented in in 1900) and sent the photograph to a friend with the following note, I took this picture of myself looking at the mirror. It was very hard as my hands were trembling. Nikolaevna appears to have been the first teenager to take a selfie. So Who Invented the Selfie?   Australia has laid claim to inventing the modern day selfie. In September 2001, a group of Australians created a website and uploaded the first digital self portraits onto the internet. On 13 September 2002, the first recorded published use of the term selfie to describe a self portrait photograph occurred on the Australian internet forum (ABC Online). The anonymous poster wrote the following along with posting a selfie of himself: Um, drunk at a mates 21st, I tripped over and landed lip first (with front teeth coming a very close second) on a set of steps. I had a hole about 1cm long right through my bottom lip. And sorry about the focus, it was a selfie. A Hollywood cameraman named Lester Wisbrod claims he is first person to take celebrity selfies, (a self-taken photo of himself and a celebrity) and has been doing so since 1981. Medical authorities have begun to associate the taking of too many selfies as a potentially unhealthy sign of mental health issues. Take the case of 19-year-old Danny Bowman, who attempted suicide after failing to take what he considered the perfect selfie. Bowman was spending most of his waking hours taking hundreds of selfies everyday, losing weight and dropping out of school in the process. Becoming obsessed with taking selfies is often a sign of body dysmorphic disorder, an anxiety disorder about personal appearance. Danny Bowman was diagnosed with this condition.

Firewood Species Burning Properties and Comparisons

Firewood Species Burning Properties and Comparisons Get Best Results by Seasoning Dense Wood Species You will get the best results and more heat per wood volume when burning the highest density (heaviest) wood you can find. Dense firewood will produce the highest recoverable BTUs, but all wood must be seasoned for best results. Seasoning lowers the moisture content so less energy is used to drive off water (which limits heat efficiency). Many of these heavy woods have excellent burning properties during the three stages wood goes through when burned. The final coaling stage is very important for sustaining heat over time. All of the best, and usually hardest and heaviest, wood species have excellent coaling properties as they continue burning after the initial moisture and all gasses are driven off. Use Denser Wood to Increase Heat Production Trees considered to be deciduous (lose their leaves in winter) and, more specifically, hardwoods tend to be a more dense wood and will burn hotter and longer than trees considered to be evergreen or softwood (there are some exceptions). Firewood will also burn hotter if seasoned under a shelter to reduce the moisture that drives off heating as wood burns. Wood heat value is measured in BTUs or British Thermal Units. The higher the BTU value, the more heat you get per unit of wood. Heating value is based on density, weight, BTUs, and coaling  ability. Next, well discuss the best and worst tree species to use for firewood ranked by their total ability to establish and retain heat: Five Best Firewood Tree Species Hickory: 25 to 28 million BTUs/cord - density 37 to 58 lbs./cu.ft.Oak: 24 to 28 million BTUs/cord - density 37 to 58 lbs./cu.ft.Black Locust: 27 million BTUs/cord - density 43 lbs./cu.ft.Beech: 24 to 27 million BTUs/cord - density 32 to 56 lbs./cu.ft.White Ash: 24 million BTUs/cord - density 43 lbs./cu.ft. Five Worst Firewood Tree Species White Pine: 15 million BTUs/cord - density 22 to 31 lbs./cu.ft.Cottonwood/Willow: 16 million BTUs/cord - density 24 to 37 lbs./cu.ft.Basswood: 14 million BTUs/cord - density 20 to 37 lbs./cu.ft.Aspen: 15 million BTUs/cord - density 26 lbs./cu.ft.Yellow Poplar: 18 mm million BTUs/cord - density 22 to 31 lbs./cu.ft.

Three of the psychological factors that influence consumer behavior Essay

Three of the psychological factors that influence consumer behavior are perception - Essay Example Finetti notes that online advertising and new media channels "is becoming a larger part of the marketing mix" due to the increasing number of online users who utilize internet-enabled technologies to transact with companies. Second, marketers have to give due consideration to changing consumer preferences towards ethical and socially responsible consumption. The same author observes, for instance, that "more and more companies are going green." Apparently, this is in response to the growing public pressure on corporate actors to contribute to efforts at mitigating the social and environmental problems that business activities and the culture of consumption creates. Lastly, marketers have to take note of the lifestyle and economic changes wherein consumers live in a more fast-paced, time-constrained environment since this inevitably affect the way that consumers evaluate and associate themselves with products and companies.

Discuss the conflicts and tensions between the expectations of Essay

Discuss the conflicts and tensions between the expectations of society, the aims of business and the roles of government as exemplified by the pharmaceutical in - Essay Example There are several areas upon which impact of these conflicting interest are greatly observable. In our case scenario, we take the pharmaceutical industry as our case model. However, our discussions will only be limited on the interrelations between outside factors namely government regulations and the expectations of society vis-Ã  -vis the internal management systems and responses of the company, especially in terms of labour and production. We will deal mostly on the aspects of labour and how it is affected by the business cycles and trends. Hence, we will focus more on the management aspects and less on the activities and developments of the pharmaceutical industries. Economic cycles can be viewed in terms of predictable long-term1 pattern of changes in the national income of a given country. Based on established patterns, we have a traditional business cycles which involves four stages namely expansion2, prosperity3, contraction4 and recession5. This is a cycle whereby at the end of the recession period, the expansion stage kicks-up again. During these economic stages, we can observe chain reactions in the different aspects of the business sector. Common characteristics in these cycle of events in the impact it has on the labour in terms of changing employments, the productivity where there may be more of less production depending on the cycle and the rise and fall of interest rates depending on the cycle involved.6 To illustrate this scenario, let us look back into our economic history. In the 1970s up to the 1980s, a steady rise of unemployment rates in Europe can be observed. This steady rise was then attributed to mostly to the demand and supply of labour force where it was perceived that supplied skills and expertise of labour did not match with the demand. Not only was there a mismatch in the supply and demand of labour, there was also a perceived discrepancy between wages

Othello protagonist Essay Example for Free

Othello protagonist Essay The protagonist of the play, Othello is a man trapped by his own weaknesses rather than a victim of circumstance. Even though the situations that Othello finds himself in are not ideal and contribute to his downfall, it is his own fatal flaws that end up destroying him. In act 3 scene 3 Iago starts to plant a seed of doubt in Othello’s mind about his wife Desdemona and her infidelity. Iago proceeds to ask Othello, â€Å"Did Michael Cassio, when you wooed my lady, know of you love? † This question immediately causes Othello to become suspicious. Iago then follows with a series of rhetorical questions that enrage Othello as well increase the doubt that is building up in his mind. By the end of this scene we see one of Othello’s weaknesses present itself, jealousy. This particular flaw becomes one of the major contributions to Othello’s downfall. By the end of the play jealousy has clouded his judgment and taken over his perspective on everything. At first Othello insists that he needs proof of the alleged affair but quickly changes his mind. â€Å"Must be to loathe her. O curse of marriage. Act 4 scene 1, Iago informs Othello that Desdemona and Cassio have slept together and he has seen that she has given Cassio the handkerchief Othello gave her when they first fell in love. All this news that Iago keeps telling him sends Othello off into a rant, â€Å"Is’t possible? Confess? Handkerchief? O devil! † After this his falls into a trance. This is the moment when all Othello’s insecurities, fears and aversions as well as the obvious lack of judgment that a leader is assumed to have combine to create this kind of epileptic fit. In this scene stage directions are used to help the reader understand what is going on for a dramatic effect. Two of Othello’s flaws that cause this downfall are passion and gullibility. These feelings enabled Iago fill his head with lies that caused him to get so worked up that he lost control. In act 5 scene 1 Iago had convinced Othello that he would kill Cassio and that Othello had to kill Desdemona. Othello begins this scene with a soliloquy, reflecting and attempting to justify his decision to kill her. Othello refers to Desdemona as light. â€Å"Put out the light and then put out he light†. So sweet we ne’er so fatal. † Othello describes how she was so sweet but her actions caused so much pain. Before he kills her, Othello makes sure she has prayed or confessed so that she will go to heaven. â€Å"I will not kill thy unprepared spirit. † Othello’s blind faith in Iago is the flaw that leads all his other weaknesses to rise to the surfac e and in the end the inevitable happens. Othello, once a great man, falls. Desdemona speak for one last time in the play. â€Å"A guiltless death I die. † This quote enforces the reality of what has just taken place. This innocent woman was a victim because of another man’s weakness. In this play it is clear what jealousy and misguided trust can do to a person. These weaknesses, along with others, are the reason for Othello’s downfall. Each flaw produced another weakness or doubt. The fact that Othello was manipulated to be part of Iago’s plan for revenge only accelerated the speed of his demise. The fatal mix of passion, jealousy, insecurity as well as how easily he could be manipulated caused Othello to be a man snared by his own weaknesses.

Nigerias Rigid Expectations of Men :: essays research papers fc

In September 1997, in Oslo, Norway, a meeting was organized in co-operation with the Norwegian National Commission for UNESCO where international observer B. Mustakim said, â€Å"Highlighting masculinity may be seen as a way of excusing violent men, since their behavior is attributed to a masculinity which many believe to be "natural" and unchangeable.† Georg Tillner, author of Men and Masculinities, responded, â€Å"Power is the one aspect all variants of masculinity have in common, not necessarily as the real possession of power, but rather as a "demand for dominance" or an "entitlement to power". Masculinity is an identity† (Mustakim). Throughout Things Fall Apart, written by Chinua Achebe, masculinity takes an impressive role in molding the clan’s male-dominated society, and plays a vital part in influencing characters’ decisions. In the novel, Achebe reveals the definition of what it means to be a man in Nigerian society ; he should be masculine and protect his family and friends in that he is willing to fight, earn his good reputation, and preserve and expand the honor of his family. In Nigerian society, a man was responsible for the protection of his family and friends in that he was willing to fight. No character in Things Fall Apart demonstrated this ideal better than that of Okonkwo. This was apparent in the very beginning of the novel when it is brought to the reader’s attention that Okonkwo had, at such a young age, already taken two titles and demonstrated undivided skill in two inter-tribal wars. At the closing stages of the novel, Okonkwo yet again attempted to protect his clansmen when five court messengers arrive at one of the clan’s meetings. Without any hesitation, Okonkwo pulled out his machete and killed the head messenger. Okonkwo’s father, Unoka, however, did not fit the same mold of masculinity as that of his high-achieved son. While Unoka and his neighbor, Okoye, were sharing a kola nut (a symbol of life and vitality) one day, they talked about several things including that of the impending war with the village of Mbaino. U noka did not condone war, but not because he believed that it was barbaric. He was simply a coward and could not stand the sight of blood. Thomas Alva Edison, a great inventor, businessman, and true Renaissance man, once said, â€Å"The successful person makes a habit of doing what the failing person doesn't like to do† (Woopidoo!). Okonkwo became an important and successful asset to his clan by achieving things in which his father refused to partake.

Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria Essay

This development was heralded as an avenue to usher in democratic stability and good governance. However, contrary to widespread expectations, the post-military regime became an avenue for the explosion of violent ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria. As a matter of fact, since the emergence of democracy in May 1999, not less than one hundred ethnically and religiously instigated conflicts have occurred in Nigeria which resulted in loss of lives and unquantifiable material and psychological damage. Drawing from documentary research and findings, this paper probes the persistent spate of ethno-religious crises in Nigeria and its harmful implications on democratic consolidation in Nigeria. It investigates the history, causes and manifestations of ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria and maintains that unbridled lust for power, corruption, religious intolerance and the failure of the government to deliver democratic dividends, have resulted in these conflicts between ethnic and religious groups in the country. In the light of all these then, can democracy thrive in an atmosphere of crises? Can Nigeria come out of ethno-religious conflicts? If so, what steps can the government take to rein in the menace of these crises? Finally, the paper provides submissions for curbing this social epidemic, which has become a permanent feature of the Nigerian social polity. Keywords: Nigeria, Ethno-religious, Crises, Democracy, Development Introduction Democracy could be said to be a seed: when you sow bountifully, you reap bountifully. Thus, one of the dividends of democracy, which Nigerians have reaped in abundance since the transfer of power from the military to the civilians on May 29, 1999, is the rising wave of ethno-religious conflicts with devastating and untold consequences on lives and property (Jega, 2007: 116). Nigeria is a very populous nation in Africa with diverse cultural heritage. In fact, the country has a population of over 140 million and over 400 ethnic groups belonging to different religious sects as well (Salawu, 2010: 345). Since the attainment of independence, Nigeria has remained a multi-ethnic nation, which has been grappling with the problem of ethnicity on the one hand and that of ethno-religious conflicts on the other hand. At the inception of independence, for administrative expediency the various ethnic factions were fused and merged together by the colonialists. Then, the colonial masters left and things started falling apart, the center no longer held. No ethnic group desired to see the other. Little wonder then that the former Secretary of State at the British Colonial Office (1952-1959), Sir Peter Smitters regretted the action taken by the British to merge diverse ethnic groups into one in Nigeria. According to Ali (2004) cited in Adebayo (2010: 214), he was reported to have lamented that it was extremely dangerous to force diverse radical and social entities into single rigid political structure. However, that statement was medicine after death; the deed had been done. Indeed, a conglomerate of almost four hundred ethnic groups, each having its distinct history, language, culture and political systems before the colonial rule, all preserved in mitigated forms with the British system of governance super-imposed and named Nigeria really had future implications for unity. The colonial administration, for administrative convenience, compressed and merged the various ethnic groups in their respective regions, making Hausa/Fulani, Igbo, and Yoruba the major ethnic groups and reinforced the three political/administrative divisions – the north, the east, and the west, under appropriate constitutional arrangement. At independence and post independence era, the status-quo of the colonial era was retained under that infantile freedom, with every group retaining its tradition, language, and culture while sharing the common central institutions in a federal arrangement (Adebayo, 2010: 214). As a result, these major ethnic groups, because of their opportunistic positions were seen as consistently dominating the political and economic scene before and after the attainment of independence in 1960 and this led to agitations for state creation by the other â€Å"minor† ethnic groups who saw themselves as the marginalized groups. However, the more states were created, the more the complaints of marginalization and inequality by the new minorities against the new majorities in each state (Abdullahi and Saka, 2007). Consequently, the proliferation of ethno-religious and political turbulence in the country is therefore necessitated on the one hand by cultural, communal and religious differences and on the other hand by fear of domination nursed by the minority groups. As if what constitutes the federalism is not satisfied, there have been agitations for reversing back to the old regional autonomy of the different groups for the purpose of determining the pace of their development and control of their respective resources. These pernicious phenomena of ethnicity and religious intolerance led to the incessant surge of ethno-religious conflicts, which gave birth to the many ethnic militias today like the O’dua People’s Congress (OPC) put in place by the Yoruba in the south-western part of the country to fight for the protection and defence of Yoruba in Nigeria; the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), fighting for the cessation of the Igbo ethnic tribe in Nigeria; the Bakassi Boys; the Egbesu Boys; the Ijaw Youth Congress (IYC), the Igbo Peoples’ congress (IPC); the Arewa People’ Congress (APC) and the Ohaneze Ndigbo among others. This might probably be the feeling of Elaigwu (2005: 12) when he writes †¦the violent protests in the Niger-Delta over perceived injustice in resource distribution; the Itsekiri-Ijaw violence in the Delta; the resumption of the Ife-Modakeke communal violence; the menace of Odu’a Peoples’ Congress (OPC) and the accompanying violence in Lagos and Shagamu areas; the formation of the Arewa Peoples’ Congress (APC) and the Igbo Peoples’ Congress (IPC); the MASSOB feeble attempt to resuscitate Biafra; the Sharia crisis and the demands for a confederation; the South-South demand for the control of its resources; and all the recent interethnic/religious conflicts in various states across the country are all part of the bubbles of the Nigerian federation. They are based on the historical structures of mutual fears and suspicions among Nigerian groups in a competitive process. They reflect dissatisfaction of Nigerian groups with the state of the federation. With the emergence of all these ethnic militias and the deep divide between the various ethnic groups, religious intolerance became more violent and bloody with more devastating results using the ethnic militias as the executing platforms of ethno-religious agenda. Federalism thought to be an approach to national unity, resulted to anarchy in the country. A number of steps were taken to at least mend the disunity and disarray prevalent then and promote unity among the various ethnic groups. These included the establishment of federal institutions in some states of the federation, promotion of national cultural and sporting activities, and, more significantly, the National Youth Service Programme (NYSC), just to mention a few (Adebayo, 2010). Although these steps yielded pockets of successes in achieving national unity, the â€Å"unholy† marriage of convenience of the ethnic groups still begs for irrevocable divorce. While the ethnic rivalry held sway, religious pluralism, which culminated in many crises, shook the country to its very roots. The pernicious effect of this trend is not entirely surprising given the fact that religion is so sensitive to Nigerians that many are not only ready to defend it at all costs, but are ready to die for it. Hence, religious pluralism which resulted in religious intolerance was fused with ethnic rivalry, producing the recurrent spate of ethno-religious crises. And because of the violent nature of ethno-religious conflicts, which often take the form of riots, sabotage, assassinations, lynching and maiming, kidnappings, armed struggles, guerilla warfare and secession in Nigeria, they undoubtedly pose dangerous threats to democracy in Nigeria and Africa as a whole. Yes, as Jega (2007: 116) truthfully stated, the genetically engineered seeds of democracy planted by our colonial masters and further successive military regimes have grown to mature crops for harvest. Instead of democracy yielding peace, stability and security to lives and property, it seems to have yielded a return, full circle spate of ethno-religious conflicts and violent eruptions. Thus, the discussion of ethno-religious conflicts in whatever context becomes all the more necessary given the fact that there is a phenomenal recurrence of these conflicts around the nation thereby increasing its threat level to democratic consolidation in Nigeria. It is against this backdrop that this paper attempts to probe the history, manifestations and implications of ethno-religious crises in Nigeria since the dawn of democratic dispensation. Causes of Ethno-Religious Crises in Nigeria According to Awolowo (1990: 35), the notion of Nigeria as â€Å"a mere geographic expression† was engendered by the forceful packaging by colonial authoritarian fiat of unwilling communities of diverse origin and culture under the same polity. Consequently, relations and political behavior of the peoples are characterized by mutual suspicion and invidious hatred since they are strange bed-fellows, who were only coerced into the nation-state via amalgamation. Until 1960, Nigeria was a British colony. Like most colonies, it was not constructed for internal coherence, but rather for the administrative convenience of the British (Shively, 1997: 39). Over 400 different languages and dialects are spoken within its borders, and there is also an important religious split, as the north is primarily Muslim and the south is predominantly Christian, making her not only at ethno-religious crossroads but also at linguistic crossroads. As diverse as these ethnic groups are, they are also not accommodative of each other’s religion and professions of faith. This state of intolerance has added up to fuel the spate of crises in Nigeria. It should be noted that religion has always been the platform for frontal expressions of ethnic aggressions and conflict. Hence, ethnocentric politics, sectional solidarity and primordial interests became prominent features in the nation’s political practice. Sectional and individual virtues and interest rather than collective virtues and national unity are advanced and exalted. Thus, communal orientation precluded any attachment to the state and the syndrome of the ‘son of the soil’ took preference over merit and competence in the choice of policies and leaders. Although as Obasanjo and Mabogunje (1992: 4) aptly observed, colonialism provided scaffolding of holding the different communities together, not much change was achieved in altering communal mentality and predilection. Nonetheless, the persistent military incursion into government and politics did much harm for the body polity as national issues was mostly tribalized and primordial virtues extolled. These regimes had primordial outlook and sub-national mentality under which the northern part of the country was favoured brazenly, on one hand, and the southern part was deliberately dealt with in terms of appointments, contracts, location of government establishments, political oppression and repression as well as provision of social services and infrastructures. As a result, ethnic sectarianism has left a trail of destructive violence and even threatened the territorial integrity of Nigeria (International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2001). Indeed, after long years of authoritarian rule, when the military clique and their civilian collaborators privatized the Nigerian state (Ukiwo, 2003), politicians in the emergent Fourth Republic were all too anxious to claim control of the state and its oil wealth as well. This thus led to an unbridled competition for political relevance and spheres of interests among politicians, especially in the context of the division of the country into geopolitical zones, states and local governments and the fact that distribution of benefits among the political class depended on the ability of each member of the ruling class to deliver his constituency. This lust for power has led to the neglect of the needs of the masses and the demand for peaceful co-existence. Instead, the rulers continue to enrich their pockets through corrupt dirty means and seek for elongation of tenures for selfish gains. In the circumstance, ethnicity, religion and other sectarian identities are exploited, resulting in avoidable violent conflicts among component units of the country. The persistence of mass poverty and increasing income inequality, largely as a result of the transformation of the fortunes of politicians and their allies from jobless neighbors to emergency billionaires in less than two years after capturing power, have deepened popular alienation. It has also called into question the legitimacy since 1999. Consequently, some of the easiest things to do in contemporary Nigeria are to mobilize an assassin, vigilante, ethnic-cum-religious militia, rioter, crowd or rented pro-government demonstrator. The result could only be imagined. The power lust of the political cliche is one of the perceived causes of ethno-religious crises in Nigeria. Another reason responsible for ethno-religious crises in Nigeria is the wrong interpretation by those who claim authority to the understanding of the holy books. If not so, one wonders why people act contrary to the teaching of the holy books (whether the Quran or the Bible) in matters pertaining to peaceful co-existence, unity and sanctity of life, and property. As it is a serious disease for someone who does not have a full grasp of the interpretation of any of the holy books to claim authority to knowledge, many of the so called ‘religious leaders’ use their shallow knowledge to put up interpretations to suit their selfish ends banking on the ignorance of their followers. Lamenting on the wide gap between the teaching and practice of religion among its adherents, Adebayo (2003) cited in Adebayo (2010: 219) identified some factors responsible for using religion as instrument of polarization, among which is leadership tussle, which also culminated in the proliferation of many denominations in the country. Also, sectarian jingoism, as well as excessive patriotism to one’s religious sect, which consequently transformed to fanaticism, is another major factor contributing to this social menace. Salawu (2010) also noted that the failure of the Nigerian leaders to establish good governments, forge national integration and promote what can be called real economic progress, through deliberate and articulated policies, has led to mass poverty and unemployment. This has resulted into communal, ethnic, religious and class conflicts that have now characterized the Nigerian nation. Poverty and unemployment have therefore served as nursery bed for many ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria because the country now has a reservoir of poor people who warmongers as mercenary fighters. What this means theoretically is that poverty and unemployment increase the number of people who are prepared to kill or be killed for a given course at token benefit. This explains why all ethno-religious crises that ever occurred in Nigeria have a large turnout of people (including the under-aged) as fighters. Lastly and very importantly, and not the least, the ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria also have some historical antecedent (Salawu, 2010). This is because many governmental actions during the colonial rule and after independence encouraged, to a large extent, the sowing of the seeds of ethno-religious conflicts that are found to be rampant in the Nigerian nation today. Over the years, many events in Nigeria have led to the politicization of mistrust, intolerance, violence and acrimonious relations between the mainly Moslem north and the Christian south of Nigeria. To this extent, there has been an unfortunate insertion of ethno-religious discrimination and incompatibility in the structures of the Nigerian State since the colonial period. The political events of the January 15, 1966 coup and the July 1966 counter-coup further entrenched ethno-religious configuration in Nigeria. This is because the killings and counter-killing that followed the coups which took ethnic and religious colorations as the Muslim dominated tribes in the north were set against the Christian-dominated tribes of the southern region.